Right to Refuse to Kill programme / El programa el derecho a rechazar matar

20 - 30 septiembre/September

Watch the above video for a look at what the Right to Refuse to Kill programme has been up to over the last year, and what's coming up. Then get involved in the conversations below!

The forum will be a chance to report back on the work of the Right to Refuse to Kill programme, as well as to evaluate particular aspects of the work. For two days (25th and 26th), the focus will be on the work of the Countering the Militarisation of Youth project, including evaluating our recent collaboration with New Tactics, and gathering resources and suggestions for the next step in the project's development: a website that will become a repository of information and resources on countering the militarisation of youth. In particular, we look forward to gathering audiovisual and image-based resources, challenging the militarisation of youth.

We will also be sharing ideas for how, and to whom, to promote WRI's recently-launched and invaluable resource, A Conscientious Objector's Guide to the International Human Rights System. We also will welcome feedback on the Guide: have you used it? What did you think?

Facilitated by Hannah Brock.

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¡Esta página tiene el video arriba con subtítulos en español!

El foro será una oportunidad para reportar sobre el trabajo del Programa Derecho a No Matar, al mismo tiempo que para evaluar aspectos particulares del trabajo. Por dos días (25 – 26) el enfoque será el trabajo Contra la Militarización de la Juventud, incluyendo la evaluación de nuestra reciente colaboración con New Tactics, y reunir materiales y sugerencias para los próximos pasos de este proyecto: un sitio web que será un lugar para reunir información y materiales sobre trabajo contra la militarización de la juventud. En particular queremos juntar materiales audiovisuales sobre cómo combatir la militarización de la juventud.

También compartiremos ideas de cómo y a quién promover la Guía del Sistema Internacional de Derechos Humanos para Objetores de Conciencia. También nos gustaría recibir comentarios sobre la guía: ¿La usaste? ¿Qué te parece?

Facilitado por Hannah Brock

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Darmstadt Notes from RRTK Committee.pdf39.55 KB
Networking Meeting Darmstadt.pdf92.45 KB

Welcome, and first questions... / Bienvenidos, y primeras pregun

Dear friends, welcome to the Right to Refuse to Kill forum!

Firstly, I would like to ask you for your feedback on one of the most important projects of the programme this year: a Conscientious Objectors Guide to the International Human Rights' System. You can access it here: http://co-guide.org/ and here's more introduction to what the guide is: http://www.wri-irg.org/COGuide

Have you used the guide? What do you think? Also, please think about who you can tell about the guide.

Soon there will be a video telling you more about the work of the Right to Refuse to Kill programme - watch this space!

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Amigxs, bienvenidos al foro de el derecho a rechazar matar!

Primero, quiero pedir sus opiniónes sobre uno de los proyectos más importantes del programa de este año: la "guía los objetores a la Internacional de los Derechos Humanos". Puede acceder aquí (en castellano): http://co-guide.org/es/p%C3%A1gina-principal

Ha utilizado la guía? ¿Qué te parece? También, por favor, piense: ¿a quién puedo informar sobre el guía?

Pronto habrá un video diciendo algo más acerca de la labor del derecho de negarse a matar programa - esten atent@s a esta página!

Countering the Militarization of Youth | Contra la militarizació

Today and tomorrow, this forum is going to be devoted to evaluating and developing WRI's work on Countering the Militarisation of Youth (CMOY).

In a couple of hours, I'll post here a list of issues we should discuss, with links to a few resources.

In the meanwhile--some of us took part in a discussion on the topic of CMOY a few months ago, for which we partnered with New Tactics. It would be nice to hear from those of us who were there what they think. Did you gain anything from your participation? Do you have any feedback on whether this was a useful exercise for you?

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Traducción automática:

Hoy y mañana, este foro va a ser dedicado a la evaluación y el desarrollo de trabajo de la IRG sobre la Lucha contra la Militarización de la Juventud (CMOY).

En un par de horas, voy a publicar aquí una lista de cuestiones que debemos discutir, con enlaces a algunos recursos.

Mientras tanto - algunos de nosotros participó en una discusión sobre el tema de CMOY hace unos meses, para lo cual asociado con Nuevas Tácticas. Sería bueno saber de los que estaban allí lo que piensan. ¿Sabía usted obtiene nada de su participación? ¿Tiene algún comentario sobre si se trataba de un ejercicio útil para usted?

Countering the Militarization of Youth: Next steps

Our main aim in this forum discussion is to hear everybody's ideas about possible next steps in our CMOY work.

First of all, there is one thing that's already beginning to happen: we are beginning to work on a website that will become a repository of information and resources on the militarisation of youth and on ways of countering it (Gary, who's taking part in our discussion, is going to be working on this when he comes over to London to work with the office as an intern). The creation of such a website was one of the main ideas that came out of our conference on CMOY in Darmstadt last year (notes summarizing our discussion at and following the conference are now posted as attachments to this forum topic--here and here).

It would be great to hear of people's ideas for resources, images, pieces of information and functionalities for this new website. Post your ideas here!

But beyond setting up this site--CMOY offers important perspectives for developing WRI's work in the future, and we'd like to hear your input on possible routes for such development:

What do you see as WRI's contribition to CMOY work? What can we bring that other organisations can't (or don't want to). What ideas do you have for the development of this work?

Last, but not least, one direction some of us on the WRI Executive Committee and elsewhere were considering to explore is developing CMOY into a full programme at the office (together with the Right to Refuse to Kill and Nonviolence programmes, ultimately with a new staff member taking care of it). This is a possibility the WRI Council--that is, you--has to seriously discuss and consider, and we'd like this discussion to begin here.

Do you think Countering the Militarisation of Youth has the potential to become a separate WRI programme. If so, how would you go about doing this?

Please respond!

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Traducción automática:

Nuestro principal objetivo en este foro de discusión es escuchar las ideas de todos los posibles pasos a seguir en nuestro trabajo CMOY.

En primer lugar, hay una cosa que ya está empezando a ocurrir: estamos empezando a trabajar en un sitio web que se convertirá en un repositorio de información y recursos sobre la militarización de la juventud y en las formas de contrarrestarla (Gary, que está participando en nuestro discusión, va a estar trabajando en esto cuando viene a Londres para trabajar en la oficina como interno). La creación de este sitio web es una de las principales ideas que surgieron de nuestra conferencia sobre CMOY en Darmstadt el año pasado (notas que resumen nuestra discusión en y después de la conferencia ahora se publican como anexos a este tema del foro - aquí y aquí [Inglés ]).

Sería bueno escuchar las ideas de la gente de recursos, imágenes, fragmentos de información y funcionalidades de este nuevo sitio web. Pon aquí sus ideas!

Pero más allá de la creación de este sitio - CMOY ofrece importantes perspectivas para el desarrollo de trabajo de la IRG en el futuro, y nos gustaría saber su opinión sobre las posibles vías para dicho desarrollo:

¿Cuál cree usted que es contribition de la IRG a CMOY trabajo? ¿Qué podemos lograr que otras organizaciones no pueden (o no quieren). ¿Qué ideas tiene para el desarrollo de este trabajo?

Por último, pero no menos importante, un sentido que algunos de nosotros en el Comité Ejecutivo de la IRG y otros países estaban considerando para explorar está desarrollando CMOY en un programa completo en la oficina (junto con el derecho a rechazar matar y programas de la no violencia, en última instancia, con un nuevo personal miembro de cuidar de ella). Esta es una posibilidad de que el Consejo de la IRG - es decir, usted - tiene que discutir seriamente y considerar, y nos gustaría comenzar esta discusión aquí.

¿Considera que la lucha contra la militarización de la juventud tiene el potencial de convertirse en un programa de la IRG separado. Si es así, ¿cómo ir haciendo esto?

Por favor, responda!

WRI's contribution

What do you see as WRI's contribition to CMOY work? What can we bring that other organisations can't (or don't want to). What ideas do you have for the development of this work?

I see WRI's role in CMOY as having similar facets to our role in many other transnational campaigns:
- By ensuring that local activists have an understanding of what is happening in other places, their analysis of their own situations becomes more robust and contextualised.
- Similarly, only with an eye on many different places can one really recognise worldwide trends if they emerge, and therefore try and shape or check them
- Linking groups together so that they can learn from each other - sharing strategies, experiences - ultimately makes them more effective in their own contexts

As this topic is more recent than, for example, work on conscientious objection, or contribution in these ways should be even more important. Does anyone else have ideas for other ways in which WRI can give a unique contribution?

Traducción automática

¿Qué es lo que ve como contribución de la IRG a CMOY? ¿Qué podemos hacer que otras organizaciones no pueden (o no quieren). ¿Qué ideas tiene para el desarrollo de este trabajo?

Veo en función de la IRG CMOY aspectos parecidos a nuestra función en muchos otros las campañas transnacionales:
- Velar por que los activistas locales tienen una comprensión de lo que está pasando en otros lugares, el análisis de su propia situación se vuelve más robusto y contextualizada.
- De igual manera, sólo con un ojo puesto en muchos lugares diferentes se pueden reconocer realmente si las tendencias en todo el mundo surgen, y por lo tanto, tratar y forma o
- Vincular grupos para que puedan aprender los unos de los otros, compartiendo estrategias, experiencias, en última instancia, este les hace más eficaz en sus propios contextos

Como este tema es más reciente que, por ejemplo, el trabajo sobre la objeción de conciencia, o la contribución de estos medios debe ser aún más importante. ¿Alguien tiene alguna otra ideas para otras formas en las que IRG puede dar una contribución única?

Desde Venezuela

Hola! Decirles que estamos trabajando en el diseño de la versión en castellano del libro "Sembrando semillas", sobre la militarización de la juventud.

Ahora mismo Venezuela ha denunciado la Convención Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, por lo que se ha salido de la jurisdicción de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. A pesar de ser un civil, el presidente Nicolás Maduro ha continuado el proceso de militarización en Venezuela, y se puede decir que tras la muerte de Chávez, las Fuerzas Armadas son el verdadero partido político de gobierno en el país. El propio Maduro ha llamado a los seguidores del gobierno "La tropa", incluyendo el uso de redes sociales bajo ese nombre, por lo que es usual que posicionen en Twitter el hashtag #tropa

Saludos

Automatic Translation

Hello! Tell them that we are working on the design of the Castilian version of "Planting Seeds" about the militarization of youth.

Right now Venezuela has denounced the American Convention on Human Rights, so that was out of the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Court. Despite being a civilian President Nicolas Maduro has continued militarization process in Venezuela, and we can say that after the death of Chavez, the armed forces are the true governing political party in the country. Maduro himself has called for government supporters "The Troop", including the use of social networks under that name, so it is usual to positioned on Twitter the hashtag # troop

thoughts from London

Hey all,

1) Regarding what WRI's unique contribution to CMOY work is/can be, I echo what Hannah said (above).

2) Regarding resources for the CMOY resource website, there is a good discussion of antimilitarist music in the Virtual Cafe' thread (some of it, e.g. Soporte Klan, is youth-specific), and there should be good artwork - and photos documenting actions already taken - too.

One issue is making these resources accessible to different languages and different cultures.

Following on from what Rafa says (above), there is also a German edition of the Sowing Seeds book coming up!

3) New Tactics conversation: there were some good ideas on the threads, but the number of people who participated (although more than the website's average) was not great. It's not a replacement for having a physical or even skype meeting to share tactics.

4) I think CMOY definitely has the potential to become a separate programme. It is sufficiently distinct from the traditional focus of the Right to Refuse to Kill programme (supporting conscientious objectors and promoting conscientious objection) - all young people are militarised, whereas only some are conscripted / join the Armed Forces voluntarily (although another question to raise is: should WRI frame conscientious objection more broadly to cover tax resistance and over things - this would expand the RtRtK programme). Having a worker dedicated to CMOY would allow it to expand, which it could and should do.

The main problem as far as I can see is funding. Would it mean getting a third member of full-time paid staff? If so, that would put more demand on the executive too.

Owen

Castellano:

Hola todos,

1) Respecto a la contribución única de la IRG trabajo CMOY es o puede ser, me hago eco de lo que dijo Hannah (arriba).

2) Con respecto a los recursos para el sitio web de recursos CMOY, hay una buena discusión de música antimilitarista en la cafetería Virtual' hilo (algunas cosas, por ejemplo Soporte Klan, es específico de la juventud), y debe haber buena obra de arte - y fotos documentando las acciones ya tomadas - demasiado.

Uno de los problemas está haciendo estos recursos accesibles a diferentes idiomas y culturas diferentes.

Siguiendo con lo que dice Rafa (arriba), hay también una edición alemana del libro sembrando semillas subiendo!

3) Nuevas conversaciones tácticas: hubo algunas buenas ideas en las roscas, pero no fue grande el número de personas que participaron (pesar más que la Página Web de promedio). No es un reemplazo para una reunión de skype física o incluso compartir tácticas.

4) Creo que CMOY definitivamente tiene el potencial para convertirse en un programa separado. Es suficientemente distinto el enfoque tradicional del derecho a rechazar a matar programa (apoyo a los objetores de conciencia y promover la objeción de conciencia) - todos los jóvenes son militarizados, mientras que sólo algunos son reclutados / unirse a las fuerzas armadas voluntariamente (aunque otra cuestión a plantear es: debe la IRG marco objeción más ampliamente para cubrir impuestos resistencia y sobre las cosas - esto ampliaría el programa RtRtK). Tener un trabajador dedicado a CMOY le permitiría ampliar, que puede y debe hacer.

El principal problema que veo es la financiación. ¿Significaría tener a un tercer miembro de personal asalariado a tiempo completo? Si es así, pondría más demanda en el poder ejecutivo también.

Owen

WRI's contribution could be as anchor of continuity for CR work

What do you see as WRI's contribution to CMOY work? What can we bring that other organizations can't (or don't want to). What ideas do you have for the development of this work?

This is my perspective, not NNOMY’s, but I can speak to this from having sufficient years as the communications person for the national network. The most important aspect of counter-militarism work is continuity. I have watched this work ebb and flow and the participants move from a centralized effort, as in national counter-recruitment, to move on to a more generalized outreach of working against cultural militarization. All have done good work and some exceptional work, but people have their lives, families and other aspirations. We cannot expect activists to sacrifice their entire lives against a tremendous force such as governments corrupted by the business of resource competition and armaments industries, and yet we must demand this and more.

An international base for counter-militarism (counter-recruitment) work with youth is what WRI can potentially provide and this would lend more confidence to this movement in each and every country where this difficult work is attempted and where success is measured in small victories. There is a need for funding for campaign work and for education and for training. There is no area of counter-militarism where development and research work and assistance is not needed. I have learned to take the long view of this work, measured in years and decades, and I am confident that what has gone on before and what we are organizing towards will add to the accumulated effect of putting more pressures on State players that will ultimately seek peaceful resolutions to international conflicts. Within this work are the beginning formulas to the end to war, and in no greater arena than the demilitarization of youth. That notion has what is most inspiriting and correct in its assertion; that young people can be taught to be creative thinkers and reject cultural militarization and that is the work to inspire. WRI could serve to give a foundation to those who have made this the principle of their activism against war; to inform and influence administrators about non-military alternatives for young people’s futures irrespective of economic and class standing, to research and expose the health effects of war on youth, the environmental catastrophe of war for their futures, the corruption of government and political agency of militarism that is stealing our collective future. This work is profound and it deserves an international body to be its foundation from which national efforts draw strength and resources and greater confidence.

Gary

Traducción automática
¿Qué ves como contribución de la IRG en CMOY trabajo? ¿Qué podemos hacer que otras organizaciones no pueden (o no). ¿Qué ideas tiene para el desarrollo de este trabajo?

Este es mi punto de vista, de no NNOMY, pero puedo hablar con esto de tener suficientes años como la persona de comunicaciones para la red nacional. El aspecto más importante del trabajo de militarismo Counter es continuidad. He visto este trabajo reflujo y flujo y los participantes se mueven de un esfuerzo centralizado, como en el nacional contra el reclutamiento pasar a una más generalizada alcance de trabajo contra la militarización cultural. Todos han hecho buen trabajo y un trabajo excepcional, pero la gente tiene sus vidas, familias y otras aspiraciones. No podemos esperar que los activistas a sacrificar toda su vida contra una tremenda fuerza como los gobiernos corrompidos por el negocio de la competencia por los recursos y las industrias de armamentos, y todavía tenemos que exigir esto y mucho más.

Una base internacional para trabajar contra militarismo (anti-reclutamiento) con la juventud es lo que potencialmente puede proporcionar la IRG y esto daría más confianza a este movimiento en cada país donde se intenta este trabajo difícil y donde el éxito se mide en pequeñas victorias. Hay una necesidad de financiamiento para el trabajo de campaña y de la educación y de formación. No hay ninguna área del militarismo Counter donde no es necesario trabajo de investigación y desarrollo y asistencia. He aprendido a tomar la perspectiva de este trabajo, medido en años y décadas, y estoy seguro de que lo que ha ocurrido antes y lo que estamos organizando hacia agregará al efecto acumulado de poner mayor presión en actores estatales que en última instancia buscará resoluciones pacíficas a los conflictos internacionales. Dentro de este trabajo son las fórmulas de comienzo hasta el final a la guerra y en ningún ámbito mayor que la desmilitarización de la juventud. Esa idea tiene lo que es más inspiriting y correcta en su afirmación; que los jóvenes pueden ser enseñados a ser pensadores creativos y rechazan militarización cultural y es el trabajo para inspirar. La IRG podría servir para dar un fundamento a quienes han hecho esto el principio de su activismo contra la guerra; para informar e influir en los administradores acerca de alternativas no-militares para futuros con independencia económica de los jóvenes y la clase de pie, para investigar y denunciar los efectos de la guerra sobre la juventud, la catástrofe ambiental de la guerra para su futuro, la corrupción del gobierno y la agencia política del militarismo está robando nuestro futuro colectivo. Esta obra es profunda y que merece un organismo internacional para su Fundación desde que los esfuerzos nacionales sacar fuerza y los recursos y una mayor confianza.

Gary

Some of my own replies

Thank you to everyone who's written in so far (Hannah, Rafael, Owen, Gary, Kai-Uwe). I'd very much like to encourage more people to voice their opinion including those of us who have not been involved in similar work to date and could thus represent a different perspective.

I had some time to think about these themes myself, both in my WRI hat and in my New Profile hat (New Profile devotes much of its work to CMOY, though without using this label). So, here are my two cents:

1. Resources, images, etc.

One of the things that I think the website should contain is documentation of existing miltiarisation of youth practices around the world--visual stuff like this and more textual documentation, such as this (these are both examples from Israel, but there's plenty of similar stuff to collect in any other country). Another thing the website could host are stories of resistance campaigns and actions, tool-kits for counter-recruitment work, lesson plans to be used in relevant educational work and the like. Information about relevant local and international law (both laws and regulations used by the state to militarise youth and ones that can be used by activists to counter it) would also be useful to collect.

And there's also the question of sorting the information: The survey, published as part of Sowing Seeds, offers a good basis for a structure, but we can also draw inspiration from two publications created by the RRtK programme: the main CO database (CONCODOC) on the WRI website and the new CO Guide website. Both offer interesting search features that can be adapted for the purposes of the CMOY site.

2. WRI's contribution

I have two points to add to those already mentioned, or already performed (such as the international action day we had this year and should continue to hold in the future). First WRI can indeed help groups working on CMOY meet (also physically, like in Darmstadt) and share information, but there's actually one aspect of this sharing I'd like to highlight, and that is sharing the different areas in which we conduct CMOY work. Thus, Garry mentioned the environment as an aspect of CMOY work in the US. This may not be a central concern for CMOY activists in other countries, yet. But there may be a good reason for the rest of us to adopt this focus too.

The other role WRI can play has to do with international legal instruments. There is quite a body of provisions that can be used to at least make the militarisation of youth a human rights issue, flag it up as a concern (and help local groups obtain leverage over the state as a result). In New Profile we had a small success in this field a few years back when we managed to get the Committee on the Rights of the Child mention militarised education in Israel as a problem in its concluding observations when Israel was under review by the committee. WRI can work (in cooperation with groups that have a more regular presence in UN bodies, such as QUNO) to get militarisation of youth onto the relevant bodies' agenda. I wouldn't make this into the centrepiece of our work, but it would definitely be a useful addition.

3. CMOY as programme + funding

I'm definitely for developing CMOY into a programme. I think it has a lot of enthusiasm within the movement (broadly conceived) to attract, can open the door to expanding the WRI network itself (narrowly conceived) with new connections and affiliates, and I'm quite optimistic about getting it fully funded, even with some overhead. The relative ease with which we obtained the extra funding we needed for the Darmstadt conference last year was quite a good indicator of that.

But I'd really also like to know what WRI people not directly involved in CMOY work think about this aspect of the discussion in particular. There may be other considerations to take into account from WRI's perspective, that the CMOY enthusiasts among us are missing out on.

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Traducción automática :

¡Gracias a todos los que han escrito en la medida (Hannah , Rafael , Owen , Gary , Kai -Uwe ) . Me gustaría mucho para animar a más gente a expresar su opinión incluyendo los que no han participado en un trabajo similar hasta la fecha y por lo tanto puede representar un punto de vista diferente.

Yo tenía un poco de tiempo para pensar acerca de estos temas, tanto a mí mismo en mi sombrero IRG y en mi nuevo sombrero de New Profile (New Profile dedica gran parte de su trabajo a CMOY, aunque sin utilizar esta etiqueta) . Por lo tanto , aquí están mis dos centavos:

1 . Recursos , imágenes, etc

Una de las cosas que creo que el sitio web debe contener es la documentación de miltiarisation existente de las prácticas de los jóvenes de todo el mundo - material visual como esta y más documentación textual, como este (estos son ejemplos de Israel , pero hay un montón de cosas similares recoger en cualquier otro país) . Otra cosa que el sitio web puede albergar son historias de campañas y acciones de resistencia, equipo de herramientas para el trabajo, planes de clase contra el reclutamiento que se utilizarán en el trabajo educativo relevante y similares. Información sobre la legislación local e internacional pertinente ( tanto las leyes y reglamentos utilizados por el Estado para militarizar los jóvenes y los que pueden ser utilizados por los activistas para contrarrestarlo ) también sería útil recoger .

Y también está la cuestión de la clasificación de la información: El estudio, publicado como parte de Sembrando Semillas , ofrece una buena base para una estructura, pero también puede inspirarse en dos publicaciones creadas por el programa RRtK : la base de datos principal de CO ( CONCODOC ) en la web de la IRG y la nueva página web Guía de CO . Ambos ofrecen interesantes funciones de búsqueda que pueden ser adaptados a los fines del sitio CMOY.

2 . La contribución de la IRG

Tengo dos puntos a añadir a las ya mencionadas , o se han realizado (como el día de acción internacional que tuvimos este año y debemos seguir manteniendo en el futuro) . Primero IRG hecho puede ayudar a los grupos que trabajan en CMOY cumplen (también físicamente , como en Darmstadt ) y compartir información , pero no hay en realidad un aspecto de este intercambio me gustaría destacar , y que es compartir las diferentes áreas en las que llevamos a cabo CMOY trabajar . Por lo tanto , Garry mencionó el medio ambiente como un aspecto del trabajo CMOY en los EE.UU. . Esto puede no ser una preocupación central para activistas CMOY en otros países , todavía. Pero puede haber una buena razón para que el resto de nosotros en adoptar este enfoque también.

El otro papel puede jugar la IRG tiene que ver con los instrumentos jurídicos internacionales . Hay bastante un conjunto de disposiciones que pueden utilizarse por lo menos hacer que la militarización de la juventud una cuestión de derechos humanos , marcarlo como una preocupación (y ayudar a los grupos locales a obtener influencia sobre el estado como resultado) . En Perfil de nuevo tuvimos un pequeño éxito en este campo hace unos años cuando nos las arreglamos para conseguir el Comité de los Derechos del Niño menciona la educación militarizada en Israel como un problema en sus observaciones finales , cuando Israel fue objeto de examen por el Comité. IRG puede trabajar (en colaboración con grupos que tienen una presencia más regular en los órganos de la ONU, como QUNO ) para obtener la militarización de la juventud en la "agenda de los organismos pertinentes . Yo no hago esto en la pieza central de nuestro trabajo, pero sin duda sería una adición útil.

3 . CMOY como + la financiación del programa

Definitivamente estoy de desarrollar CMOY en un programa. Creo que tiene mucho entusiasmo en el movimiento ( ampliamente concebida ) para atraer, puede abrir la puerta a la ampliación de la red de la IRG en sí (estrechamente concebido) con nuevas conexiones y afiliados, y estoy bastante optimista sobre conseguir plenamente financiado , incluso con cierta sobrecarga . La relativa facilidad con la que se obtuvo la financiación adicional que necesitábamos para la conferencia de Darmstadt el año pasado fue todo un buen indicador de ello.

Pero yo realmente también me gusta saber lo que la gente la IRG no participan directamente en el trabajo CMOY pensar en este aspecto de la discusión en particular. Puede haber otras consideraciones a tener en cuenta desde la perspectiva de la IRG , que los entusiastas CMOY entre nosotros se están perdiendo .

Militarization of Youth (espanol abajo)

What for me was one of the most striking learnings of the conference in Darmstadt was how similar the situation in many countries in Europe is. The Western militaries - by now mostly professional armies though with some sad exceptions like Norway - all face the problem to recruit sufficient qualified staff, and it seems that they find it necessary to indoctrinate youth in order to do so. This proves in itself that being a soldier is not a "normal job" as much as they present it like one. Or has anyone ever seen fire brigades, police, construction workers or other dangerous professions paying PR firms last sums to develop video games, TV series, visits to schools etc. just in order to find enough youth who apply to work with them? I mention these professions since they like the military involve a considerable risk for health and life, like serving in the army.
The experience in other parts of the world seems a different one. Here there also is a lot of propaganda and brain-washing going on, but much more intertwened with direct force on the one hand (conscription), and with nationalist / patriotic ideologies building a solid fundament on the other. I think that these differences need to be taken into account in any program on Militarizing the Youth.

Lo que para mí fue uno de los aprendizajes más sorprendentes de la conferencia en Darmstadt fue la similitud de la situación en muchos países de Europa. Los ejércitos occidentales - por ahora ejércitos mayoría profesionales, aunque con algunas excepciones tristes como Noruega - todos enfrentamos el problema de la contratación de personal cualificado suficiente, y parece que les resulta necesario para adoctrinar a los jóvenes con el fin de hacerlo. Esto demuestra en sí mismo que ser un soldado no es un "trabajo normal" tanto como lo presentan como tal. O ¿alguien ha visto los cuerpos de bomberos, policías, trabajadores de la construcción u otras actividades de riesgo que pagan las empresas de relaciones públicas hace sumas para desarrollar videojuegos, series de televisión, visitas a escuelas, etc solo con el fin de encontrar suficientes jóvenes que se aplican para trabajar con ellos? Menciono estas profesiones ya que les gusta a los militares implica un riesgo considerable para la salud y la vida, al igual que servir en el ejército.
La experiencia en otras partes del mundo, parece una diferente. Aquí también hay un montón de propaganda y lavado de cerebro en marcha, pero mucho más intertwened con fuerza directa, por un lado (el servicio militar obligatorio), y con las ideologías nacionalistas / patriótico que construyen un fundamento sólido sobre el otro. Creo que estas diferencias deben tenerse en cuenta en cualquier programa de militarización de la juventud.

countering militarisation and education

as you may know i am a programme worker on countering militarisation of youth in germany. so, i do think Countering the Militarisation of Youth has the potential to become a separate WRI programme. the way i do it, is linking counter-recruitment and alter-education, turning criticism of military and violence into content of education. the way i fund it, is getting enough money for education (producing brochures, offering seminars...), so some is left over for action (protest against military stalls at education fairs...). of course this is not easy or sure, but it works for two years now.
the reason why we have more cmoy work in our section and in our international, is that we have less co work - we have more militarisation, because we have less conscription. the wri's rtrtk programme makes still sense now (and gets funds), but may be not anymore in ten years from now. a wri cmoy programme may overlap and then replace this.
and i do see WRI's contribition to CMOY work. if we talk about war, military and violence, we talk about international affairs usually. and an international network can cntribute to an international perspective much better than any national network. if i talk about the problem of economic draft in germany, i can use examples from our friends of economic draft in the u.s. if i talk about germany's role in the middle east, i can use information from our friends in israel. if i talk about the conflict in colombia, i can use songs from friends in colombia etc. pp.
and so i do have ideas for resources for this new website. apart from images of conflict and conflict resolution around the world, which need little or no translation, i like to use first hand information and analysis from wri associates or friends as "parties" or "actors" in conflict areas, for example in venezuela or eritrea or south korea...
kai-uwe

Traducción automática

Es posible que ya sepa que soy un empleado del programa para la lucha contra la militarización de la juventud en alemania, así que no creo que lucha contra la militarización de la Juventud tiene el potencial de convertirse en un programa separado la IRG. la manera en que yo lo hago, es la vinculación entre la contratación y alter-educación, en cuanto crítica de la violencia militar y en el contenido de la educación. la manera en que fondo, es obteniendo el dinero suficiente para la educación (los folletos, ofreciendo seminarios... ), por lo que algunas se deja para la acción (protesta contra puestos militares en ferias de educación... ). por supuesto que esto no es fácil ni seguro, pero que funciona desde hace dos años.
La razón por la que tenemos más trabajo cmoy en nuestra sección y en nuestra internacional, es que tenemos menos de co - tenemos más militarización, porque tenemos menos obligatorio. el programa de la irg rtrtk hace que aún hoy (y obtiene los fondos), pero también pueden ser no más de diez años, a partir de ahora, la irg cmoy programa pueden superponerse y, a continuación, sustituir este.
Y yo no veo la contribución de la IRG CMOY. si hablamos de guerra, los militares y la violencia, hablamos acerca de los asuntos internacionales normalmente. y una red internacional puede cntribute a una perspectiva internacional es mucho mejor que cualquier red nacional. si vuelvo a hablar sobre el problema de proyecto económico en alemania, puedo utilizar los ejemplos de nuestros amigos de proyecto económico en los ee.uu. si hablo sobre el papel de alemania en el oriente medio, puedo utilizar la información de nuestros amigos de israel. si vuelvo a hablar sobre el conflicto en colombia, puedo usar las canciones de amigos en colombia etc. págs.
Y por lo que tienen ideas para recursos para este nuevo sitio web. aparte de las imágenes de los conflictos y la resolución de conflictos en todo el mundo, que necesitan poca o ninguna traducción, me gusta usar información de primera mano y el análisis de la irg allegados o amigos como "partidos" o "actores" en las zonas de conflicto, por ejemplo, en eritrea o venezuela o corea del sur...
Kai-uwe

Cultural Jihad against militarism

The principle point of differentiation about military service that the United States 9th District Federal Court decided nearly 25 years ago when granting Equal Access to counter recruiters to present a counter-narrative to military recruiters in secondary schools, was that military service, whether voluntary or compulsory, was a controversial political issue. It was not just another job opportunity. Americans don’t engage in political controversy very well except as humor and entertainment on late night television. Following the changing times, the CR Movement has moderated its message to comply with nervous school administrators that don’t want to appear unpatriotic or alienate their Federal Funding. The arguments by military recruiters presented to youth to gain their interest are varied, but the greatest attraction to military service is the promise, for youth and their parents, of future employment and/or educational benefits to go to college. The idea of war and personal harm is countenanced silently. With few exceptions, the increasing absence of a political discussion from either militarists or anti-militarists in schools has had a cost in how to create an adequate response about what are the root causes of cultural militarization.

Nearly all of the reasons cited by youth for entering military service stems from a lack of opportunities in their communities, nearly all which have experienced a decline in the economic downturn of the last five years. The alternatives to military service available to counter-recruiters to entice these youth to choose from typically fall far short of what can be offered by military recruiters in real material terms for these young person’s lives. Additionally, the lack of creative and critical reasoning skills among the youth most likely to be targeted by military recruiters limits their ability to embrace some of the non-traditional opportunities they could investigate for their futures. Much of this lack of creativity of approach reflects the dismal cultural realities of their communities from which they emerge, a profound indictment of the American society that claims exceptionalism as its defining characteristic. The emerging emphasis on community service options like the Corps Programs by counter-recruiters, which offer a structured learning and living environment, working in supporting National Park maintenance work, is increasingly integrated into the Homeland Security Matrix of Government programs like Federal Emergency Management Administration (FEMA) so that the offer is contextualized with militarization as well.

As fewer real alternatives are available to youth in an expanding cultural militarization, the attraction of “creative” appeals seems to be a last and best approach to get the attention of young people for a counter-militarist message. In the United States, where there exists no recent or viable political alternatives to counter cultural militarization, the arts have become the vehicle for activists to create an “alternative space” for refuge and resistance from the mainstream society which is being carried along by the demands of globalization.

This condition of countering militarization through counter-cultural practice has the potential of forming a “cultural jihad” that seeks to challenge the governmental/corporate collaboration in reconfiguring the future for its people as consumers rather than citizens. For counter-recruitment practice, this will certainly inhibit communities of traditional resistance, peace churches, veterans groups, and parent/teacher organizations, who have participated in this work in our schools from the past, to re-engage counter-recruitment for the future by the pressures and intimidation of police, school administrators, traditional political alliances, and the military itself.

New Federal legislation that reduces privacy protections and reduces freedom of access to social protest, makes resistance more suspect and will demand of counter-recruiters more nuanced approaches to maintain equal access to schools and will further moderate the message that can be imparted to young people about military service.

Considering the force, prevalence, and media conditioning of youth through internet, video games, movies and television, the likely strategy that could provoke a counter-reaction of scale to increasing militarization is to foment a radicalized approach to youth demilitarization and remount a CR movement associated to an entire set of integrated beliefs that include such components as food sovereignty, sustainable and meaningful work, environmentalism, simpler living and green housing alternatives, counter-consumerism, sexual diversity, and counter-globalization, combined together with appeals for the recognition of and rejection of militarization. The greater appeal of a different world raises the stakes for the youth anticipating a viable role in a society whose values have been co-opted and shaped by commercialization, but who are more likely to take that risk to associate to another concept for their futures than young people? Isn’t that the same basis on which the military counts on the participation of young people to fill the ranks of their military?

Gary

traducción automatric

El punto principal de la diferenciación sobre el servicio militar que la novena Corte Federal de Distrito de Estados Unidos decidió hace casi 25 años en la concesión de igualdad de acceso para contrarrestar los reclutadores de presentar una contra-narrativa a los reclutadores militares en las escuelas secundarias , era que el servicio militar , ya sea voluntaria u obligatoria , era un asunto político controversial . No era más que otra oportunidad de trabajo. Los estadounidenses no se dedican a la controversia política muy bien, excepto que el humor y el entretenimiento en la televisión nocturna . Después de los nuevos tiempos, el Movimiento CR ha moderado su mensaje para cumplir con los administradores escolares nerviosos que no quieren aparecer antipatriotas o enajenar sus fondos federales . Los argumentos presentados por los reclutadores militares a los jóvenes para ganar su interés son variadas, pero la mayor atracción para el servicio militar es la promesa , para los jóvenes y sus padres , de futuro laboral y / o beneficios educativos para ir a la universidad. La idea de la guerra y el daño personal está tolerarse en silencio. Con pocas excepciones , la creciente ausencia de un debate político de cualquiera de los militaristas o antimilitaristas en las escuelas ha tenido un costo en la forma de crear una respuesta adecuada acerca de cuáles son las causas fundamentales de la militarización cultural.

Casi la totalidad de las razones citadas por los jóvenes para entrar en el servicio militar se deriva de la falta de oportunidades en sus comunidades, casi todos los que han experimentado una disminución de la recesión económica de los últimos cinco años. Las alternativas al servicio militar a disposición de contra- reclutamiento para atraer a estos jóvenes para elegir lo general están muy por debajo de lo que puede ser ofrecido por los reclutadores militares en términos materiales reales de la vida de estos jóvenes persona. Además, la falta de habilidades de razonamiento creativo y crítico entre los jóvenes más propensos a ser objetivo de los reclutadores militares limita su capacidad para adoptar algunas de las oportunidades no tradicionales podrían investigar por su futuro. Gran parte de esta falta de creatividad de enfoque refleja las realidades culturales tristes de sus comunidades de las que emergen , una profunda denuncia de la sociedad estadounidense que reclama la excepcionalidad como su característica definitoria . El énfasis que emerge sobre las opciones de servicio comunitario como los programas del Cuerpo de contra- reclutadores , que ofrecen una enseñanza estructurada y condiciones de vida, de trabajo en apoyar el trabajo de mantenimiento Parque Nacional , está cada vez más integrada en la Matriz de Seguridad Interna de los programas gubernamentales como la Administración Federal de Manejo de Emergencias ( FEMA) para que la oferta se contextualiza con la militarización también.

Como pocas alternativas reales disponibles para los jóvenes en una militarización culturales en expansión, la atracción de recursos "creativos" parece ser el último y el mejor enfoque para conseguir la atención de los jóvenes para un mensaje de lucha contra el militarismo . En los Estados Unidos, donde no existe ninguna alternativa política reciente o viable para contrarrestar la militarización culturales, las artes se han convertido en el vehículo para que los activistas de crear un " espacio alternativo " en busca de refugio y resistencia de la sociedad en general que está siendo arrastrado por las demandas de la globalización.

Esta condición de la lucha contra la militarización a través de la práctica contra-cultural tiene el potencial de formar una " jihad cultural" que pretende poner en entredicho la colaboración gubernamental / corporativa en reconfigurar el futuro de su gente como consumidores en lugar de ciudadanos. Para la práctica de la lucha contra el reclutamiento , esto sin duda inhibir comunidades de resistencia tradicional de paz , iglesias , grupos de veteranos, y las organizaciones de padres / maestros , que han participado en este trabajo en nuestras escuelas del pasado, de volver a participar contra el reclutamiento para el futuro por las presiones e intimidaciones de la policía , administradores de escuelas , las alianzas políticas tradicionales y los propios militares .

La nueva legislación federal que reduce la protección de la privacidad y reduce la libertad de acceso a la protesta social , hace que la resistencia más sospechoso y exigirá de contra- reclutadores enfoques más matizados de mantener la igualdad de acceso a las escuelas y, además moderará el mensaje que se puede impartir a los jóvenes acerca servicio militar.

Teniendo en cuenta la fuerza , la prevalencia y los medios de comunicación acondicionado de la juventud a través de Internet , los videojuegos, las películas y la televisión, la estrategia es probable que podría provocar una reacción en contra de la escala a la creciente militarización es fomentar un enfoque radicalizado a la desmilitarización jóvenes y volver a montar un movimiento CR asociada a todo un conjunto de creencias integrados que incluyen componentes tales como la soberanía alimentaria , el trabajo sostenible y significativa , el ecologismo , la vida más simple y alternativas de vivienda verde , la lucha contra el consumismo , la diversidad sexual, y contra- globalización , combinada con recursos para el reconocimiento de y el rechazo de la militarización . El mayor atractivo de un mundo diferente, aumenta las expectativas de los jóvenes anticipando un papel viable en una sociedad cuyos valores han sido cooptados y conformado por la comercialización , pero que son más propensos a correr el riesgo de asociarse con otro concepto para el futuro de los jóvenes? ¿No es la misma base sobre la cual los cargos militares en la participación de los jóvenes para llenar las filas de su ejército?

Gary

UN Committee on the Rights of the Child

As Sergely says, the UN Committee can be a useful ally on some aspects of the militarisation of youth. In several quinquennial reports on the UK the UN CRC has heavily criticised the recruitment focus on under-18-year-olds rather than over-18-year-olds, and even within the under-18-year-olds, the preference for recruiting those aged 16 rather than those 17. The UK government has so far taken little notice, but the UN CRC's remarks can be quoted in material being published more widely.

traducción automatric

Como dice Sergely, el Comité de las Naciones Unidas puede ser un aliado útil en algunos aspectos de la militarización de la juventud. En varios informes quinquenales sobre el Reino Unido la CDN ha criticado fuertemente el enfoque de reclutamiento de menores de 18 años de edad y no mayores de 18 años de edad, e incluso dentro de los menores de 18 años de edad, la preferencia por la contratación los 16 años en lugar de los 17. El gobierno del Reino Unido ha tenido hasta ahora poca atención, pero los comentarios del CRC de la ONU puede ser citado en el material que se publica más ampliamente

U.S. and OPAC

The United States and the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict (OPAC)

July 11, 2012 - National Coalition to Protect Student Privacy – Comments to the Committee on the Rights of the Child
Sixty-second session, 14 January – 1 February 2013, pertaining to: ·

The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child's list of issues and request for additional information; and, The United States' second periodic report under the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, 25 January 2010 UN Doc. CRC/C/OPAC/USA/2 - Read More: http://www.studentprivacy.org/pdf/070512%20Committee%20on%20the%20Child%...

July 3, 2012 - Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict - List of issues concerning additional and updated information related to the consideration of the second periodic report of the United States (CRC/C/OPAC/USA/2) - Read More: http://www.studentprivacy.org/pdf/Committee%20on%20Rights%20of%20the%20C...

April, 2012 - Child Soldiers International Report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child in advance of the United States of America’s second periodic report on the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict. - Read More: http://www.studentprivacy.org/pdf/Child%20Soldier%20International%20Repo...

OPAC

The United State ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict (OPAC) in 2002.

http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/docs/CRC.C.OPAC.USA.2_en.pdf

At that time the US filed a declaration of reservations to the optional protocol, assuming no obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The United States signed the protocol with the "understanding" that nothing in the Protocol establishes a basis for jurisdiction by any international tribunal, including the International Criminal Court.

It is an extraordinary act of unilateralism.

Right off the bat, the US took exception to Article 1 of the treaty which says in its entirety:

"States Parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure that members of their armed forces who have not attained the age of 18 years do not take a direct part in hostilities."

This is how the US responded. You may have to read this a few times to understand what is being said:

"The term “feasible measures” means those measures that are practical or practically possible, taking into account all the circumstances ruling at the time, including humanitarian and military considerations; the phrase “direct part in hostilities”- means immediate and actual action on the battlefield likely to cause harm to the enemy because there is a direct causal relationship between the activity engaged in and the harm done to the enemy; and does not mean indirect participation in hostilities, such as gathering and transmitting military information, transporting weapons, munitions, or other supplies, or forward deployment." It concludes, "Any decision by any military commander, military personnel, or other person responsible for planning, authorizing, or executing military action, including the assignment of military personnel, shall only be judged on the basis of all the relevant circumstances and on the basis of that person's assessment of the information reasonably available to the person at the time the person planned, authorized, or executed the action under review, and shall not be judged on the basis of information that comes to light after the action under review was taken."

This is outrageous. These ‘understandings’ amount to a blanket reservation to Article 1, the substance of which runs contrary to the purpose of OPAC, and should be withdrawn, as the Committee on the Rights of the Child requested back in 2008. This is a slap in the face to the international community. We should be ashamed.

This brings us to Article 3.3 of OPAC of OPAC which says: States Parties that permit voluntary recruitment into their national armed forces under the age of 18 years shall maintain safeguards to ensure, as a minimum, that:

(a) Such recruitment is genuinely voluntary;

(b) Such recruitment is carried out with the informed consent of the person's parents or legal guardians;

(c) Such persons are fully informed of the duties involved in such military service;

The US didn't feel compelled to enter "understandings" regarding Article 3 Section 3.

The List of Issues Prepared by the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, after reviewing the 2nd Periodic Report of the US regarding the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict

The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has prepared a list of issues including a request for additional information. The US is requested to submit in written form additional and updated information, if possible, before 16 November 2012, not exceeding 15 pages.

Although there are 15 issues addressed by the Committee, the first 7 relate to the work we do. I have included these issues enumerated by the Committee, followed by relatively brief comments.

1. With reference to the information provided in para. 11 and 178 of the State party’s report,

http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/docs/CRC.C.OPAC.USA.2_en.pdf

please provide additional information concerning the dissemination of information related to the issues covered by the Protocol to the general public and the training of professionals working with children. Please also inform the Committee of the measures taken to promote knowledge of the Optional Protocol as well as peace education for children in the State party’s schools.

In its 2nd Periodic report, the US stated, "The US government is disseminating the text of the Optional Protocol and related material widely at all levels of government and to the public." School administrators across the country, who are in the front lines, between recruiters and school children, are largely unaware of OPAC.

2. With reference to paragraph 50 of the report, please clarify the terminology “hazardous duty pay” and “imminent danger pay” areas where 17-year old service members can be deployed. Please also provide data disaggregated by sex, ethnic origin, social and economic background on:

(a) the number of under-18s deployed to areas of “hazardous duty pay” or “imminent danger pay” in 2009, 2010 and 2011, including the number who were deployed in hostilities; and

(b) The roles played by under-18s when deployed to “hazardous duty pay” or “imminent danger pay” areas, including details of the specific destinations to which they were deployed over the reporting period.

The US wrote, "The Department of Defense has conducted internal reviews of the more than 1.7 million service members who have deployed in support of on-going operations. While there have been 17-year old service members deployed to “hazardous duty pay” or “imminent danger pay” areas, the reviews of data from 2003 to present did not uncover any service member under the age of 18 who had engaged directly in hostilities as the United States understands that term."

Nevertheless, the definitions of “hazardous duty pay” and “imminent danger pay”, as the international community understands them, suggest that under-18s deployed to these areas would be at grave risk of attack, if not direct participation in hostilities.

3. Please provide data disaggregated by sex, ethnic origin, social and economic background on the number of under-18s recruited into the State party’s armed forces since 2010. Please also clarify whether applications are accepted from 16-year-olds wishing to join the armed forces, and if so, the number of applications received since 2008.

It would be nice to see this data.

4. With regard to paragraph 182 of the report, please explain the basis of the interpretation that the age for voluntary recruitment is above fifteen years according to article 3 (1) of the Protocol.

Actually, the age for voluntary recruitment identified in OPAC is 18.

The United States reported that it has reviewed its policies and has confirmed that adequate safeguards are in place to protect 17-year-olds interested in serving. It says it has no plans to raise the age of voluntary recruitment to 18.

5. With reference to paragraph 46 of the report, please indicate whether annual recruiter irregularity reports were issued by the Department of Defence since 2010. Please also provide information on the follow-up given to the conclusions of the 2010 US Government Accountability Office report which indicated that despite progress, the military’s system of tracking and sharing recruiter irregularities was inadequate and to the 2010 study conducted at the request of the Ministry of Defence by the Rand Corporation according to which: “irregularities are more likely to occur at the very end of the month when recruiters are “on the hook” to meet their quotas.

In response to the GAO report, the Department of Defense issued a memorandum to the services to provide guidance on tracking and reporting recruiter irregularities. The memorandum defined recruiter irregularities as “those willful and unwillful acts of omission and improprieties that are perpetrated by a recruiter or alleged to be perpetrated by a recruiter to facilitate the recruiting process for an applicant.” Rand does not address systemic irregularities like those related to the administration of the ASVAB Career Exploration Program's in the schools or the continued problems associated with the "opt-out" procedures outlined in Section 9528 of the No Child Left Behind Act. They do mention ASVAB "imposters" and other individual cases.

Rand admits: "Currently, it is unclear what information is concealed or falsified. Without understanding whether most cases involve medical conditions, ASVAB testing, dependency status, or other eligibility criteria, it is difficult to identify what aspects of the enlistment process require greater oversight or possible reengineering."

6. Please provide information on the measures taken to restrict the presence of military recruiters on school grounds. Please also provide information on the use of the Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery (ASVAB) in schools, the age of children who were given this test, and whether parents have the possibility to prevent their children from taking it.

There are no procedures in place in the US to restrict the presence of military recruiters on school grounds. In fact, military recruiting manuals call for "school ownership."

The Committee only addresses the mandatory nature of ASVAB testing in US high schools. The Committee does not ask for information pertaining to the privacy implications of the administration of the test in schools. Although the DoD publishes a list of Release Options schools may choose regarding the administration of the ASVAB, including the option to withhold results from recruiters, few administrators across the country are aware of this option. Furthermore, the test is marketed as a "career exploration program" in the schools while its primary purpose is to "produce leads for recruiters" according to recruiting manuals.

Information released by the US Military Entrance Processing Command (USMEPCOM) in 2011 identifies more than a thousand high schools (out of 14,000 schools that administer the test) require students to take it. Whether the test is mandatory or strongly encouraged by school officials, student information, including social security numbers, in depth, personal demographic information, and 3 hours of test results are released to recruiters without parental consent and often without parental knowledge. This is a particularly egregious violation of civil rights. ASVAB results are the only student information leaving American schools without providing for parental consent. Some school administrators are under the impression that the test is required by federal law.

7. Please provide disaggregated data (by age, sex, ethnic origin, social and economic background) on the number of children currently enrolled into the Junior Reserve Officer Training Corps (JROTC) and into the four United States Cadets Programmes and indicate whether they may be trained to use weapons. Please also clarify the relations between the Army Cadets Corps and the Department of Defence. Please indicate whether children can withdraw from the JROTC and the Army Cadets Corps at any time and without penalty and the proportion of them who ultimately join the armed forces and if a complaint mechanism is available to them.

This will be the first time we've ever seen the DoD release specifics regarding the economic background of children it recruits. We’re looking forward to it.

Additional comments (in Bold, following the numbered US Statements) regarding several points in the United States'
second periodic report under the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement
of children in armed conflict, 25 January 2010 UN Doc. CRC/C/OPAC/USA/2,

http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/docs/CRC.C.OPAC.USA.2_en.pdf

8. As indicated in paragraph 22 of the initial report, the United States filed a declaration pursuant to article 3, paragraph 2 of the Optional Protocol, stating that:

(a) The minimum age at which the United States permits voluntary recruitment into the Armed Forces of the United States is 17 years of age;

(b) The United States has established safeguards to ensure that such recruitment is not forced or coerced, including a requirement in section 505(a) of title 10, United States Code, that no person under 18 years of age may be originally enlisted in the Armed Force of the United States without the written consent of the person’s parent or guardian, if the parent or guardian is entitled to the person’s custody and control;

Children are coerced into military service in the United States when the state's schools provide a platform for deceptive federal programs designed to recruit youth to the detriment of democratic ideals. Recruiting programs in the nation's high schools lack transparency and violate the privacy rights of children and families. Coercion is the product of the cumulative effect of the programs briefly outlined below:

The US military maintains the "Joint Advertising Market Research Studies" (JAMRS) database, an Orwellian collection containing intimate details on 30 million youth between the ages of 16 and 25, providing local recruiters with personal information to use in a psychological campaign to lure youth within their designated regions. Most children and their families are unaware of the existence of this database, how it collects detailed information on them, or ways to effectively remove their information from it. Voluntary or Coercive?

Section 9528 of the No Child Left Behind Act provides military recruiters the names, addresses, and phone numbers of all American high school students, provided that parents and students are given the opportunity to "opt out" of the lists being forwarded to recruiters. The US’s second periodic report highlights the provisions in place to assist schools in informing parents and pupils of the right to opt out. However, it does not address the fact that, despite these measures, many schools are still failing to do so, and no enforcement measures exist to require schools to adhere to the law. Voluntary or Coercive?

Commercial entities like Student Marketing Group and American Student List provide the Pentagon with information on children, often without appropriate notice. Voluntary or Coercive?

Recruiters, trained in the psychological element of the trade, electronically troll social media sites to compile personal dossiers on unsuspecting minors. Before first contact, recruiters know Johnny reads wrestling magazines, weighs 150, can bench press 230, drives a ten year-old Chevy truck, loves Pink Floyd's "Dark Side of the Moon," and enjoys fly fishing. Voluntary or Coercive?

The data described above paints a virtual portrait of a potential recruit, but leaves out the future soldier's cognitive abilities. The Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery (ASVAB) Career Exploration Program provides this crucial element, something the Pentagon can't purchase or find on line. The ASVAB is a deceptive program in the schools that violates student privacy rights and state laws. Voluntary or Coercive?

The Department of Defense has several deceptive recruiting websites that collect information. Typically, the military hides its true recruiting intentions. Voluntary or Coercive?

March 2 Success https://www.march2success.com/index.cfm is an Army site that provides free standardized test-taking instruction for high school students. High school counselors routinely encourage college-bound students to use the service that catalogues student use for recruiting purposes. Personal information finds its way to recruiters. Voluntary or Coercive?

Google and Yahoo forums also provide fertile recruiting grounds. Recruiters "lurk" in these virtual settings, often posing as potential recruits with questions designed to lure responses. "What kind of job could I get with a really low ASVAB score?" is a favorite. Voluntary or Coercive?

America's Army 3, rated "Teen Blood Violence," http://www.americasarmy.com/ is the official U.S. Army video game that competes with violent commercial offerings. The game has become one of the Army's most effective recruiting tools. Voluntary or Coercive?

Recruiters collect a mountain of information during frequent, popular displays of military hardware. They methodically gather leads during air shows and parades and they seldom miss career fairs, particularly those at the local high school. The military also owns several dozen "adventure vans," 18-wheel tractor trailers that criss-cross the country and visit high schools. High school kids get out of Algebra class to squeeze off rounds from simulated M-16 rifles. All the while, recruiters are collecting data on index cards and PC's that are fed to the JAMRS database and neighborhood recruiters. Voluntary or Coercive?

Finally, the Junior Reserve Officer Training Corps (JROTC) is the military's most valuable recruiting program in the schools. Children as young as thirteen are groomed to be officers. Their personal information is meticulously gathered and preserved. There are JROTC units at more than 3,200 high schools across the country, where students perform military drills and participate in marksmanship programs. Voluntary or Coercive?

The notion of a voluntary American military force is laughable. To find soldiers, the U.S. has developed a massive and deceptive military recruitment surveillance and data collection complex.

40. Every effort is made to ensure that applicants are aware of all aspects involved in a military career. A number of documents providing all necessary information to the recruit are made available. The most important is the enlistment contract itself, which highlights the terms of military service, available at: http://www.dtic.mil/whs/directives/infomgt/forms/eforms/dd0004.pdf

How can the DoD refer to this instrument as a contract? DoD Form 4 Sec 9b demonstrates how ludicrous this assertion really is, "Laws and regulations that govern military personnel may change without notice to me. Such changes may affect my status, pay, allowances, benefits, and responsibilities as a member of the Armed Forces REGARDLESS of the provisions of this enlistment/reenlistment document." DoD Form 4 is more akin to indentured servitude than an enforceable two-way contract.

183. As discussed in the periodic report in paragraphs 14 and 72–73 and annex I, United States recruitment efforts result in a military force that is representative of the United States as a whole. Economically disadvantaged individuals are actually underrepresented in our military, and race and ethnicity data show our recruits are on par with youth of comparable age in the general population.

Some of the data to back this contention is supplied by the Heritage Foundation and there are serious questions regarding their methodology, particularly pertaining to the "granularity" of their data. Much of the information pertaining to the economic level of accessions is based on zip codes, geographic areas that are too large to draw definitive conclusions.

184. As indicated in paragraph 41, all seventeen-year-olds have the ability to withdraw from enlistment at any time prior to beginning basic training. The United States military is an all-volunteer force. It would be inconsistent with that concept to order or force unwilling individuals to fulfil their contractual agreement to enter active duty, including those in the Delayed Entry Program (DEP).4

Large numbers of recruits are coerced. Recruiters harass underage youth who attempt to withdraw from the Delayed Entry Program. This is well documented by the GI Rights Hotline.

189. LEAs are required to notify parents annually that the school routinely discloses this information to military recruiters upon request, unless a parent requests not to have this information disclosed without his or her written consent. The notification must advise the parent how to opt out of the disclosure of this information and the method and timeline within which to do so.

Many schools are not adequately notifying parents pursuant to the opt-out section of the law. Additionally, there is no enforcement mechanism to compel schools to do so.

194. In its observations, the Committee referred specifically to the Junior Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (JROTC), and suggested that it was offered to children as young as 11. As the Committee recognizes, the existence of the JROTC program does not constitute recruitment into United States national armed forces and does not violate any obligations under the Optional Protocol.

The military claims that it is not a recruiting program, but DoD statistics and testimony in Congress indicate that 40-50 percent of its students join the military, with most going directly into enlisted ranks. One reason for the high enlistment rate is the special enlistment benefits offered to graduates of JROTC programs (e.g., a slightly higher initial enlistee pay grade, advantages in applying for college ROTC, and the possibility of being nominated to apply at a military academy).

Pat Elder - http://studentprivacy.org - NNOMY network contributor

Right to Refuse to Kill

Nuestro movimiento no ha interactuado mucho con los programas de la IRG. Por lo tanto dar una opinion seria muy dificil.
Nosotr@s aquí estamos luchando contra la ley 4013 que es una ley nueva que pretende obligarte a hacer un servicio civil obligatorio si no vas al cuartel.
Para intentar contrarestar esto hemos hecho una campaña de firmas para solicitar anulacion de esta ley. Ademas de solicitar que le ley que establece el servicio militar sea definitivamente voluntario. Creamos un corto publicitario sobre el tema y los alzamos a youtube ( http://www.youtube.com/embed/dz1IZlbWJE8 ). Tambien realizamos un festival de musica llamado ROCKJETANDO. Ademas de todo esto presentamos acciones de inconstitucionalidad sobre la ley, pero los jueces de la suprema corte no se expidieron aun sobre el caso. Por lo tanto despues de haber visto el video de Hannah, he contactado con ella y me ha pasado el acceso para utilizar la Guía del Sistema Internacional de Derechos Humanos para Objetores de Conciencia.

Abrazos desde Asuncion Paraguay

automatic translation
Our movement has not interacted much with WRI programs. So give an opinion would be very difficult.
Us s here we are fighting the 4013 Act is a new law that aims to make you do compulsory civilian service if you go to the barracks.
To try to counter this we have a signature campaign to request cancellation of this law. In addition to requesting that the law establishing voluntary military service is definitely. We created a short commercial about the issue and we raise to youtube (http://www.youtube.com/embed/dz1IZlbWJE8). We also do a festival of music llamao ROCKJETANDO. Besides all this present unconstitutionality of the law, but the judges of the supreme court was not issued even on the case. So after seeing the video of Hannah, I contacted her and got past the access to use the Guide to International Human Rights System for Conscientious Objectors.